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'''Psychological Theories of Magic'''

Psychological theories treat magic as a personal phenomenon intended to meet individual needs, as opposed to a social phenomenon serving a collective purpose. Among the earliest psychological theories is the psychosis theory, advanced by Sigmund Freud.<ref>Freud, S. Totem and taboo: Resemblances between the psychic lives of savages and neurotics. London: Routledge Kegan Paul (1960). (Original work published 1913).</ref> According to this theory, “primitive man” is not a rational being, and in fact [[magical thinking]] bears a strong resemblance to neuroses. However, this conclusion has come into question, as more recent psychological theory acknowledges that psychological testing does not cross cultures with complete accuracy.<ref>Gleitman, H., Reisberg, D., & Gross, J. Psychology, 7th edition. New York, NY: W. W. Norton & Co (2007). </ref>

In contrast, the “bad science” model claims that primitive man is rational, and magical beliefs come into existence as he tries to explain puzzling phenomena without enough information. According to this theory, the magician is an early form of scientist who merely lacks adequate data. In [[Edward Burnett Tylor]]’s version of this theory, the magician’s folly is in mistaking an ideal connection for a real one; the magician believes that thematically-linked items can influence one another by virtue of their similarity.<ref>Evans-Pritchard, E.E. Theories of Primitive Religion. Oxford: Oxford University Press (1977), p.p. 26-27.</ref> For example, the Azande rub crocodile teeth on banana plants to make them fruitful (because crocodile teeth grow continuously). The property of fertility can spread from a symbol of fertility (the crocodile tooth) to the intended target (the banana tree). Michael F. Brown observes that many Aguaruna taboos can be understood as preventing undesired connections.

The symbolic action theory understands magic as a course of action taken when there exists an emotional (psychological) need for action, but no practical option exists. In R.R. Marett’s example, it is a magical action when a man, betrayed by his mistress, gathers photographs of her and burns them.<ref>R.R. Marett. The Threshold of Religion, 2nd edition. (1914). Summary courtesy of Evans-Pritchard, Theories of Primitive Religion, p.p. 33-34.</ref> This interpretation presents a modern analog of the voodoo doll. As Marett describes, if the emotional situation proves common enough, the response becomes a socially-codified norm which outsiders understand as magic and which Marett labels “developed magic.” Claude Lévi-Strauss<ref>Lévi-Strauss, Claude. “The Effectiveness of Symbols.”</ref> and Ariel Glucklich<ref>Glucklich, Ariel. The End of Magic. New York: Oxford University Press (1997).</ref> expand upon symbolic theory, positing that magic can serve as a form of psychotherapy or [[New Age]] science , accomplishing real results by what amounts to the [[placebo effect]]. While this explanation may be relevant to healing rituals and exorcisms, it is harder to imagine a placebo effect allowing for the efficacy of rain dances or other rituals that act upon the external world. Such rituals could be invoked as a precaution and accepted by their performers due to [[selection bias]].

According to theories of anxiety relief and control, people turn to magical beliefs when there exists a sense of uncertainty and potential danger and little to do about it. Magic is used to restore a sense of control. In support of this theory, research indicates that superstitious behavior is invoked more often in high stress situations, especially by people with a greater desire for control.<ref>Keinan, Giora. “The effects of stress and desire for control on superstitious behavior.” Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin Vol. 28, No. 1. Society for Personality and Social Psychology, Inc. (2002).</ref> It is proposed that one reason (but not necessarily the only reason) for the persistence of magic rituals is that the ritual activates vigilance-precaution systems – that is to say, that the rituals prompt their own use by creating a feeling of insecurity and then proposing themselves as precautions.<ref>Boyer, Pascal and Pierre Liénard. “Ritual behavior in obsessive and normal individuals.” Association for Psychological Science (2008).</ref> Pascal Boyer and Pierre Liénard go on to propose that the shape rituals take results from goal demotion and attentional focus on lower level representation.<ref>Boyer, Pascal and Pierre Liénard. “Ritual behavior in obsessive and normal individuals.” Association for Psychological Science (2008).</ref> Levels of representation were previously described by J.M. Zacks and B. Tversky.<ref>Zacks, J.M. and B. Tversky. “Event structure in perception and conception.” Psychological Bulletin, 127, 3-21. (2001).</ref> At the lowest level are simple gestures (such as putting the left foot in a shoe). At the mid-level are behavioral episodes (such as putting one’s shoes on). At the highest level are scripts (such as getting dressed to go out). Ordinarily, people describe and recall behavior in terms of the middle level of behavioral episodes. In studies of obsessive-compulsive rituals, focus shifts to the lower level of gestures, resulting in goal demotion. For example, an obsessive-compulsive cleaning ritual may overemphasize the order, direction, and number of wipes used to clean the surface. The goal becomes less important than the actions used to achieve the goal, with the implication that magic rituals can persist without efficacy because the intent is lost within the act. Debate remains as to whether studies of obsessive-compulsive rituals can be extended to describe other kinds of rituals.

== References ==
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[[Category:Magic (paranormal)]]

Psychological theories of magic - Revision history

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